To finish off, it seems indispensable to us to underline the decisive importance of the Communist Party. The proletariat cannot exist as a class or as a historical force without its constitution as party.

Calling for the party today signifies a reclaiming and reappropriation of its invariant conception at the same time as separating ourselves from all the democrats, by insisting that this central issue of the Programme is not "a problem apart". Class and party are not two different historic entities which should be separately defined only to form a relationship later. On the contrary, they are the distinct expressions of one and the same historic being: Communism.

The essential determinations of the party cannot therefore be understood from contingent realities or one-off necessities without falling inevitably into immediatist conceptions (Leninist or anti-Leninist). These invariably define "Class" on one side (as if it were possible for this to be defined without its constitution into party) and on the other side "party" (in general defined in terms of an historic ideal) so as to later try to reconcile the two concepts, that is to "link" what they have separated ideologically. The polarisations within this immediatist democratic conception take place subsequently in the search for definitions of the "relationship" between "Class" and "Party". In the same way, the fundamental historical determinations of the party have nothing in common either with the existence of some or other self-proclaimed "parties", little groups which pretend to possess "consciousness", nor with the socio-economic adding up of proletarians.

On the contrary, for us the party is; Communism constituted as a centralised international force. It is the indispensable condition for establishing communist society and its living prefiguration.

TH51 : These 51