The social democratic separation between "economic struggle" and "political struggle", "trade union struggle" and "revolutionary struggle", "immediate struggle" and "historic struggle"... is the already classical bourgeois method for fragmenting and liquidating workers' struggles. A workers' organisation which adopts this false distinction sows confusion in the proletarian ranks and thus contributes - whether it wants to or not - to the maintainance of the disorganisation and disorientation of the movement and to the alteration of the all-encompassing substance of the class war. It is criminal to confuse the social movement with the banner flying above the heads of its protagonists, to confuse Capital's reformist proposals with the affirmation of the proletariat's interests and demands. To do so means accepting the translation of class struggle into bourgeois terms, just as trade unionists and other social democrats have always done throughout the history of the proletariat.

Even if a proletarian struggle starts off on the basis of still partial denials, such as the struggle against price rises, against the extension and/or intensification of work, against measures which leave masses of proletarians out of work or against whatever economic or repressive measure of the state, it is, in its content, a struggle against the rise of exploitation itself (rate of surplus value) and against exploitation itself, struggles that are indissociable for the proletariat as the exploited and revolutionary class. The indissociability of struggles of the proletariat comes out into the open when, in situations of crisis, the most minimal economic proletarian demand implies a direct attack on the rates of exploitation and profit for Capital, an attack on the sacrosanct competitiveness of the national economy. Confrontation between the capitalists associated as state and the proletariat, then becomes inevitable.

The fact that whichever bourgeois banner flies over the movement or whichever reform of Capital appears as the objective of the struggle, is not just a bourgeois lie; although it sometimes is, above all when proletarians receive information in one part of the world concerning struggle in another, filtered by the mass media. If we were to accept what was said we would have to believe that class struggle has disappeared and that there is nothing but national, religious, racial or democratic struggles. But the use of a bourgeois banner as the movement's standard is also an objective force which, as a real weakness of the movement, helps to crush it.

Failing to recognize this reality and not developing a consequent struggle against this objective weakness of our class, is to fail to recognise that the dominant ideology is that of the dominant class. It is to fail to recognize that the subversive movement of this society can only express itself for what it really is, on the basis of its vanguard factions, which are necessarily minoritarian during the whole of the pre-insurrectional process and, in all certainty, immediately afterwards. Expressing itself for what it really is signifies rising up with slogans which explicitly negate present-day society, such as for the abolition of wage labour.


TH31 : These 31