An essential lesson for the proletariat follows on from this thesis. Whatever the stage of the struggle it is involved in, by accepting democracy, whether as a front (e.g. as an alliance with a fraction that is considered more "democratic", "antifascist" or "anti-imperialist"), as part of a transient objective (e.g.. the fight for democratic rights), as a principle within its own organisation (the search for political guarantees in elections, assemblies, majorities, congress,...) or as a final objective ("the formation of a truly democratic society") the proletariat does not only objectively and totally renounce its goals and its own formation into party, the prefiguration of the worldwide human community, but also (and inseparably) renounces its own formation as proletariat, its interests and thus its own being.
In all these cases it denies itself as a class, reinforces its oppressors and excludes itself (the only assertion of its being) as a force antagonistic to existing social order by dissolving itself in the classless world of citizens:
* In the case of the democratic front, the proletariat drowns in the majority, in the world of the citizen, in "antifascist resistance", contributing to the abolition of its own class autonomy and, for the future, legitimises the "spectacle of renewal" of the face of the state.
* In the case of the fight for democratic rights the proletariat, if it takes part, will only reinforce the weaponry of the state, of its own enemy.
* In the case of democratic centralism, the proletariat commits suicide by attributing a character of principle to types of organisation which actually embody the separations between individuals (separations between theory and practice, decision and action, legislative and executive, individual and society) and which will disappear with them.
* Finally, the proletariat makes itself ideologically bourgeois by considering what is really capitalist society's ideal (pure democracy) to be its own objective.