|We have had an internet site and an e-mail
address for some time now:
The Internationalist Communist Group (ICG) has existed since 1978.
We publish central reviews in French, German, English, Arabic, Spanish, Hungarian, Kurdish and Portuguese. We also have texts in Greek, Persian, Russian, Serbo-Croat and Turkish.
Our group has no national reality. It is not linked to any country and does not refer to the history of any nation.
Its starting point was the centralisation of a handful of militants coming from different continents, speaking different languages, who, from many different experiences of struggles and reflexions on the defeat of these struggles, were willing to develop and centralise their common militant activity worldwide together.
With the common political content of our ruptures, we then chose to formalise our discussions and polemics in a common organisational structure and define ourselves as the "Internationalist Communist Group".
"Internationalist" - Well aware that this term is redundant when used in association with the term "communist", we characterise ourselves as "internationalists" first of all to stress that communism, from its very origins and as the movement, excludes country, nation, national struggle. It signifies that our group is directly organised on an international level. We did not first constitute our group as a "national party" and then later open ourselves up to the "international". We started directly with a central organ, translated into different languages of course, which always deals with the general interests of the movement, always stresses the homogeneity of the conditions of exploitation of the proletariat throughout the world and always puts forward what all these conditions have in common: the reality of capital and therefore of the proletariat and the conditions for the realisation of communism.
On another level, the term "internationalist" also allows us to dissociate ourselves from the many counter-revolutionary variants disguised as communists (Stalinists, Trotskyists, Maoists, Bordigists,...) who, by more or less shamefully supporting one or other so-called revolutionary nation, allow dominant ideology to amalgamate communism with the red-painted capitalism of the so-called "communist countries".
"Communist" - From time immemorial, all the bourgeois fractions (Versaillais, fascists, republicans, Stalinists, liberals,...) have fiercely attacked the spectre constantly haunting the capitalist world: communism. However, revolutionaries (and our modest grouping no more than the others) never let themselves be impressed by the flood of insults and the continuous falsifications formulated throughout history against communism. Communism - the human community, the collective bbeing, the classless society - remains the perspective for which we passionately fight. It is as communists that, facing the capitalist catastrophe, the dictatorship of profit and money, the constant degradation of our living conditions, we loudly and clearly demand the abolition of this world of death, the abolition of private property, of the state, of the exploitation of man by man. With our comrades throughout history and all over the world, we once again affirm the necessity for a classless society, without money, without work, where the free disposal of time and things will constitute the only terrain for human activity to blossom.
"Group" - By forming a group, we are once again expressing the historical will of revolutionary proletarians to organise themselves as a force, to centralise themselves as party. If we do not claim to be a "party", it is because we know that true constitution into class (and therefore party) does not depend upon any pompous self-proclamations, but upon a material qualitative step in the social confrontation against Capital, State, bourgeoisie. Therefore we consider ourselves to be a faction of the communist movement; we struggle to exist as an international nucleus of the centralisation of the proletariat and, as such, participate in the efforts of vanguard minorities to centralise the community of struggle that exists throughout the world.
But beyond the centralisation of the international discussion on 1917-23, our reviews also fight against all ideologies and take a stand on many questions: the criticism of science, work, economy, philosophy, texts against the State, reproduction of historical texts of our class ("our class memory"), texts taking a stand on facts and current events, on historical polemics,...
Of course, it is impossible to describe here the real life of our group, the essence of the lessons we draw from history and even less so the content of our positions. However our reviews, texts, leaflets,... describe quite well how:
Besides the central reviews that we produce regularly, in 1989 we also published in Spanish, French and Arabic our "Theses of programmatical Orientation", the English version coming out in 1999. These Theses represent an attempt to synthesise the international discussion and the communist criticism that we have continued from our very origin. We did not want to elaborate the nth version of some or other holy text, but to present a "snap-shot", a moment, of the collective permanent work of programmatical restoration that we have started. Enemies of all bibles, with this kind of document we are only seeking an increasingly precise delimitation of the communist practice of rupture from capitalist society. Our Theses try to express the real movement of abolition of the established order; they are thus, of course, imperfect and unfinished and will remain so until revolution itself puts the pleasures of a life without money, class and State into practice.
In this sense, we call on all those who continue to fight against a world based on the exploitation of man by man to appropriate our texts for themselves, to reproduce, circulate them and to consider our reviews as theirs. The result of collective works, our texts are no one's property in particular, they belong to a class that is living and fighting to abolish its own condition as an exploited class, and hence all classes, all exploitation.
Just like the revolutionaries who preceded us, we conceive our press as an indispensable means of revolutionary propaganda, collective agitation, programmatical development, action.
We want our texts to be subjected to a militant reading, discussed, criticised and used to confront other positions in order to clearly define the terrain of revolution and counterrevolution and to support, always more determinedly, the revolutionary direction imposed by our class in its constitution as a class and a worldwide historical force.