Since the capitalist mode of production exists and therefore rules the whole planet, all wars are bourgeois, capitalist; beyond the ideologies for which the capital pretends to make them, all wars are wars against the proletariat, they are counterrevolutionary wars.
Beyond the inter-imperialist rivalries, the reason for bourgeois war is always the depreciation, the fall of the profit rate leading to a generalized overproduction of commodities and therefore also an excess of labor force. Even if for its consciousness, it is especially the matter about destroying the enemy, the main goal for the yesterday and nowadays bourgeoisie is still the same: the massive destruction of men that the capitalism turned into today excess commodities. Only communism will suppress wars.
To wage its wars, the bourgeoisie must eliminate the proletariat as a class, that is to say as an active strength, as a party, to break it up into the people, to then recruit these citizens among other citizens behind any flag hiding the hideous face of capitalism, the flag of antifascism or fascism, the progressive or reactionary one, democrat or totalitarianist, the flag of the conquest of a vital space or the national liberation, of the defense of civilized West or anticolonialism,... It is always in the name of peace, freedom, democracy, socialism,... that cadavers heap up, that civilians as military are mutilated with cluster bombs, that they die in concentration camps.
As workers' answer to the bourgeois attacks, internationalism means starting from today to break the social peace, the peace of capital, to develop our struggles where we stand, against our direct exploiters everywhere in the world. We prepare our solution to the bourgeois crisis: the worldwide communist revolution, while answering a stroke for a stroke to the deteriorations of our living conditions. It is the only way to fight against the bourgeois solution that is the generalized war.
The imperialist war triggering off, even a generalized one, doesn't necessarily mean the definitive crushing of the proletariat. Indeed, historically, if the war means in a first time a relative crushing, it can then dialectically determine a resumption all the more stronger because it has exposed the contradictions and the barbarity immanent to the capitalist system. For the revolutionary workers, the struggle against war means directly the revolutionary defeatism.
The revolutionary defeatism turns its back on all pacifism even disguised and radicalized, that is to say not going so far as to give some concrete and precise orders with a view to encourage and to act violently for the defeat of "our" camp, of "our" nation, of "our" armies. The proletarian defeatism means, besides the obvious defeatist propaganda:
May 19th, following demonstrations against the war, against both camps in Krusevac and Aleksandrovac (in Serbia), mutinies broke out on the front in Kosovo in some reservists' units of the Serbian army, confirming that even in the worst of the counterrevolutionary situations, our class keeps on being the only living alternative to the capitalist horror. Since early of May, many demonstrations had already taken place and the movement spread then to other cities. The information which we have obtained from that war zone is very fragmentary but we can nevertheless give a glimpse of the strength of the proletariat, at any rate the subversive character which it contains and the social contradiction which it carries and which undermines all institutions of the bourgeoisie.
These movements reveal the profound social fractures which developed as a war continues. Here, it is clear that the sacred union is blown apart. All the "appeals for calm and reason" are in vain. From that moment the bourgeoisie imposes a prudent silence which says much about their fears of stoking the fires of class struggle. The bourgeoisie tries to hide the spectre which haunts them, their terror at seeing proletarians taking up their real arms, class against class, against this nightmare.
If the proletariat wants to definitively get rid of the butchery which massacres it, the one and only solution is the generalisation in acts of revolutionary defeatism. The development of struggle has its own requirements: it must break social cohesion not only in the units of the army but in the whole of society. For this it needs to finish once and for all with nationalism in affirming loud and clear that proletarians have no interest in this war, nor in this dying world. We call for only one war, that which is against our exploiters, whether they are Serbs, Kosovars, Americans, Russians or whatever.
Despite the pitiless critique that we must direct against the weaknesses and expressed limits of these movements and other mutinies that will explode inevitably, communist militants shed light on such acts that show us that defeatist minorities are alive and well. Such actions express the point of view of the whole of our class. Tomorrow revolutionary defeatist mutinies will make the qualitative leap which involves the liaison and organisation of the struggle against the war with their class brothers on the other side of the vile frontiers imposed on us by Capital.
But already today these acts of resistance prove to us that the proletariat is never completely ready to be massacred in some new capitalist butchery without turning a hair. Nor to accept sacrifices, austerity, misery, death...
We're not powerless: we are rich in the historical experience of our class, we reappropriate the collective memory of our struggles; this provides us with the classist framework for our own activities and saves us having to reproduce the same mistakes again and again. We also know that our struggle carries real perspectives, from life itself. Looking ahead, we want to destroy non-life, our misery, exploitation!
Without having any illusions, given our scattered and isolated state, given the dominant atmosphere of sectarianism and suspicion towards all attempts to organise militancy and towards all attempts to bring to life a centralised direction in revolutionary activity, we can only aim at taking on the minimum level of the perspectives of struggle (denunciation of all nationalists, of the NATO, of the UNO and all imperialist powers, circulation of information, direct support to all internationalist comrades, clarification and assumption of the aims and means of communist struggle...). We aim to achieve this in common with other comrades who act on the basis of internationalist communist activity against capitalist war and peace.
The writing and international circulation of this text allows us to centralise our activities, to get in touch with other revolutionaries, to strengthen the camp of those who defend with us the same internationalist perspectives, to express the needs of all proletarians who revolt against war and misery, and to reinforce, by the clarity of our perspectives for struggle and through our determination, the impact of our refusal.